|
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||
Social Background & OriginsThe origin of the Dalit community, much like the origin of the caste system itself, is marked by mystery and debate. Adherants of the Aryan invasion hypothesis theorized that the caste system was a product of the invasion, with the Aryan invaders reserving the higher castes for themselves and relegating the native inhabitants that they conquered to the lower castes and untouchable status. This racial theory of caste origin has generally not been confirmed by modern scholarship and genetic analysis (much as the more general racial theories created during the 19th century have tended to be debunked or left unconfirmed). In the context of traditional Hindu beliefs, Dalit status has often been historically associated with occupations that were regarded as ritually impure: any occupation that involved killing or handling the bodies of dead things, or anything involving disposing of refuse or human waste. Engaging in these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual that performed them, and this pollution was considered to be 'contagious'. As a result, Dalits were commonly banned from fully participating in Hindu religious life (they could not enter the premises of a temple), and elaborate precautions were sometimes observed to prevent incidental contact between Dalits and higher-caste Hindus. Until recently there probably was no clear demarcation between Dalit castes and the lowest Shudra castes. Before the freezing of lands and territories that occurred during the British colonial period, it may have been possible for Dalits to move up the ladder as Shudras or higher castes. In the same way some people from the lowest Shudra communities were probably condemned as Dalits. Culturally there appears to be continuity across the caste spectrum. In modern India the word 'Dalit' has been applied to all people who do not belong to any of the four castes of Hinduism or to any other religion. Defined in this way, Dalit includes not only low-caste or outcaste Hindus, but also aborigonal followers of anamist religions, and possibly may have historically included immigrant communities that did not subscribe to beliefs that were seen as being incompatible with orthodox brahmanist and Hindu traditions. Dalits are not a single identifiable race or caste. Instead, they are divided into various subcastes known as or 'jatis', the lowest ranking of which is generally considered to be the Bhangis. Genetic studies have shown that despite being branded 'untouchable' they are not genetically different from the adjacent castes. The genetic differences between castes within a given region are probably lesser than the genetic differences between people of the same caste spread across different regions. The absence of any clear genetic differentiation between Dalits and non-Dalits is often regarded as evidence that the caste barrier has historically been more permeable than has been the common perception. Intermarriage (which is again growing in popularity in Indian society), or sexual infidelity (the prevalence of which is difficult to assess) across caste lines may be more common than was previously thought. Additionally, Dalits ranks may have been swollen by newly outcaste individuals individuals or communities over the years. Finally, given the paucity of genetic markers observable between different 'races', it is likely that even if the caste barrier were entirely impermiable, it is unlikely that the caste system has persisted long enough in Indian society to produce an observable genetic effect. It is noteworthy that members of certain regional tribes that are considered Dalits are sometimes seen as being racially distinct from other Indians- they are often seen as being more closely related to Burmese, Thais, and other Southeast and East Asians. Many Dalits who have converted to other religions in the past few centuries continue to retain their Dalit identity. In the 1991 census, Dalits constituted more than 16% of India's population, with the greatest numbers living in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, and Bihar. They are also found in Nepal. In Pakistan, more than 60% of the total Hindu population are Dalits. Dalits and Indian PoliticsM.K. Gandhi made it part of the Indian National Congress's mission to eradicate untouchability. For this reason, untouchability has been officially abolished in India, although social practice on the ground has lagged behind, particularly in rural villages. In a few of these extremely traditional villages, Dalits are still not allowed to let their shadows fall upon Brahmins for fear of ritually contaminating them; and they are still required to sweep the ground where they walk to remove the 'contamination' of their footfalls. In some of these villages, rural Dalits are forbidden to worship in temples or to draw water from the same wells as caste Hindus, and they usually live in segregated neighbourhoods outside of the main village. As a general rule, in urban areas and most villages the old concepts of a rigid caste system and untouchability no longer exist, though most Indians do voluntarily hold on to their caste origins. Some of the seats in the National and State Parliments are reserved for Scheduled Caste and Tribe candidates, a measure sought by B.R. Ambedkar and other Dalit activists in order to ensure that Dalits would obtain a proportionate political voice.The biggest problems facing Dalits in India today are poverty and illiteracy. Unfortunately, both Dalit and non-Dalit politicians tend to exploit the Dalits in order to gain power, but once installed in office do very little to make a difference in their lives. Dalits and ReligionOne of the tougher questions in modern Indian society is whether the Dalits are really Hindus. The main problem comes because 'Hindus' are not a uniform society even within the same caste. There are too many similarities between adjacent castes for there to be a clear demarcating line at all. If one were to classify people based on their belief in vedas, then one could not even view Brahmins as Hindus, because even they only follow the vedas in part. There were innumerable schools of vedic thought, each with its own interpretation. There was room even for atheism. But if one were to view 'Hinduism' as Indian 'paganism', most Indians would fit into that category. As Dalits have been subjected to caste violence and degradation, many have been drawn to other religions, such as Buddhism (see Neo-Buddhism), Christianity, Dalit theology, and Islam. Many Dalits are currently having a debate as to whether they are 'Hindu' or 'non-Hindu'. Some Dalits, who are only slightly different from their immediate castes, have been able to integrate into urban Indian society, where their differences are not noticed. In rural India, Dalits are known as such, and cannot hide their identity. Because many Dalits feel they must have a formal religion, the urge to change their religion is strong. The feeling is that, through conversion, their lot would improve. Probably this is part of the strategy of the Dalit leaders to break the upper caste stranglehold. Dalit poltician and activist B.R. Ambedkar was influential in encouraging many Dalits to convert to Buddhism in order to escape the inequities of the caste system. Ambedkar himself converted to Buddhism shortly before his death. The interpretation of Buddhism popularized by Ambedkar and his followers borrowed heavily from the Theravada tradition and emphasized the Buddha's teachings on social equality, particularly his rejection of caste status for members of the Sangha, and the Buddhist teaching that the 'true Brahman' is one who engages in ethical behaviour, regardless of birth. This movement is sometimes identified by the name Neo-Buddhism. In recent years, the use of mass conversion as a Dalit politcol tactic (often to either Christianity or Buddhism) has become mired in controversy, with some politicians calling for bans on mass conversion ceremonies. Dalits and Social PolicyThe Central Government and many State Governments have reserved places for Dalits in all educational courses and government jobs in order to enhance their integration into the mainstream, but many poor Dalits continue to be absolutely uneducated. The main problem is that the education provided by the Indian Government is of very poor quality. As a result children born in uneducated families, which is the background of most Dalits, do not get good schooling. They find it extremely difficult to compete with upper caste students and richer Dalits who send their children to the best private schools. There is growing resentment and impatience among the lower castes of India as the traditionally reserved jobs are no longer lucrative. Therefore, they would like to be given reserved jobs in the Private Sector as well. The private sector has opposed government interference in this matter. The Government would like to implement the policy as it would bring them electoral gains. But the Government is not serious about the education of Dalits. There is little effort to improve the quality of education so that the Dalits could be equipped to face competition. It is easier to implement legislation asking the private sector to reserve jobs for Dalits than it would be to set up good schools. More importantly good schools do not attract votes for the Government. There are 5 IITS, a dozen RECS (recently raised to the status of "National Institute of Technology") and hundreds of other Government Colleges. Some of the best higher education is provided in these institutions, but there are no good Government schools for Dalit children at all. Even subsidized education in Kendriya vidyalayas (which provide decent education) is meant for the children of Central Government employees who can afford to send their children to good private schools. The few poor people in these schools are usually from urban areas and not from rural India where the bulk of the uneducated live. The Supreme Court of India has recently removed the quota system from private and unaided Professional Colleges. Thus Dalit students would be able to benefit only from reserved places at Government Colleges. Once again the Government intends to bring a law to reverse this ruling. But as usual even this law would not benefit poor Dalits unless the Government was willing to pay the fees for Dalit students. Thus there is a serious debate about whether the Government is trying to find an easy way to appease the Dalits. The Government can afford to distribute arrack, toddy, saris and other gifts to thousands of people during elections, but it will not spend on school education. In rural India there have been riots between Dalits and non-Dalits over land and water rights. Most of the people who fight with Dalits are economically poor like the Dalits. This is mainly because resources in India are very limited. There are too many dissatisfied, jobless and poor people. Most of these poor people are either Dalits or other communities who are the most hostile to Dalits.HB) ISBN 0761993444 (U.S. HB). External links
|
|
||||||||||||||||||||||
|